By John Bowen, Roger Petersen
Best anthropologists and political scientists are introduced jointly during this quantity to discuss the matter of comparability, taking on various issues from nationalist violence and exertions moves to ritual kinds and non secular practices. The members criticize traditional different types of comparative strategy, and introduce new comparative innovations, starting from summary version development to ethnographically dependent tools. They signify a wide selection of theoretical positions, from rational selection conception to interpretivism, and the problems are clarified within the lower and thrust of dialogue.
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Extra resources for Critical Comparisons in Politics and Culture
Because of Tarradellas's legitimacy, however, radical Catalans could not easily renounce his leadership publicly, or undermine Tarradellas' negotiations with Adolfo SueÂrez, the prime minister of Spain who managed the transition. Meanwhile, in Basque Country the republican leadership broke up into separate groups amid the civil war. One faction went into exile while another remained to ®ght the war. The government in exile did not retain the same symbolic weight for Basques after 1975 as it did for Catalans.
Or if a national state ®nds itself economically weak compared with a neighboring state, its leaders could use symbols of nationalism to mobilize the population toward extraordinary efforts at ``catch-up''. This may ultimately lead to military action in which the backward state seeks to seize valuable resources through war or imperialism; alternatively it could lead to the persecution of minorities within the state's boundaries who are held responsible for the failure to develop. Nationalist violence (in the form of internal ``ethnic wars'') in the postcolonial states of Africa and Asia is often attributed to the fact that these colonial peoples suffered the uprooting that went with capitalism but few of the economic bene®ts.
Because of the high salience and stark polarization of one of those cleavages ± region ± in Basque Country, Gunther et al. argue that it is the salience of the relevant cleavage rather than the degree of cross-cuttingness that explains the level of violence. Whether they are correct or not, their data deal a blow to standard cleavage theory. 3. Symbolic power of cultural institutions. A high percentage of Catalans, through the use of the Catalan language, are militantly regionalist. The percentage of Basques who are monolingual Spanish speakers is far higher.
Critical Comparisons in Politics and Culture by John Bowen, Roger Petersen