By Michael J. Thompson
William Kristol, Paul Wolfowitz, Donald Rumsfeld, Condoleeza Rice, George F. Will, and Dick Cheney. those are ultra-modern neoconservatives--confident, simple, and a political strength to be reckoned with. yet how may still we outline this new conservatism? what's new approximately it? during this quantity, a few of cutting-edge most sensible political students tackle the cost of explaining, defining, and confronting the hot conservatism of the final twenty-five years. The authors learn the information, guidelines and roots of this ideological flow exhibiting that modern neoconservatism has been capable of combination some of the facets of social conservatism--such as non secular populism and nationalism--with monetary liberalism and the rhetoric of equality of chance and individualism. With their emphasis on dismantling the welfare kingdom and a rhetorical go back to fiscal laissez faire and person rights, neoconservatives were in a position to harness populist sentiment when it comes to either economics and cultural concerns. And with their trust in ethical and cultural ''simplicity,'' their shrink back from technology, their conviction in American superiority at the worldwide degree, and their include of ''anti-government'' rhetoric, they've got successfully replaced the character of the yankee political landscape.
The participants to Confronting the recent Conservatism provide a trenchant research and substantial critique of the neoconservative ethos, arguing that it's an ideology that should be greater understood if switch is to be had.
Contributors: Stanley Aronowitz, Chip Berlet, Stephen Eric Bronner, Lawrence Davidson, Greg Grandin, Philip eco-friendly, Diana M. Judd, Thomas M. Keck, Charles Noble, R. Claire Snyder, Michael J. Thompson, and Nicholas Xenos.
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Extra info for Confronting the New Conservatism: The Rise of the Right in America
How do religiously inflected preoccupations with sex and gender become a “material force”? 13 Seen in this light, what seems to be the inane or even imbecilic fanaticism with which the religious Right pursues such chimeras as school prayer or creationism makes at least some sense. These are not merely symbolic issues; they are tokens of respect for the authority that makes patriarchy possible, and the rejection of all alternative authorities that would undermine it. The reader who doubts the material salience of this ideological complex could benefit by looking at them the other way around for a moment.
But more crucially, what is missing from Frank’s and similar analyses is the answer to a fundamental question that is rarely asked: what exactly is in it for the 36 p h i l i p g r e e n voters who welcome verbal attacks on network television newscasters, homosexuality, advocacy of abortion rights, and the separation of church and state as symbolized in the issues of school prayer and creationism? The apparent answer given by Frank is that Americans derive emotional satisfaction from this symbolic outrage on their behalf (and from the intensive propaganda barrage that has helped to produce it): How Conservatives Won the Heart of America is his subtitle.
33 But how does all of this merge with conservative ideas and ideology? First and foremost, there is the problem of the liberal legacy and its implications for suburban life. Since the suburbs were created along the lines of economic and racial homogeneity, the white flight from cities that 22 m i c h a e l j . t h o m p s o n occurred throughout the 1950s and 1960s was therefore strongly opposed to liberal programs of the 1960s through the 1970s that sought to desegregate schools and housing. The hostility toward top-down programs that sought to shape American life along more racially egalitarian lines—the problem of housing segregation between black and white municipalities was the prime target of liberal programs such as New Jersey’s Mt.
Confronting the New Conservatism: The Rise of the Right in America by Michael J. Thompson